The region known as Palestine, which came under British administration after World War I following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, was long home to both Arabs and Jews. In the decades before Israel’s founding, the population was roughly two-thirds Arab (Muslim and Christian) and one-third Jewish, with significant Jewish immigration from Europe in the early 20th century. At the time, most local Arabs identified primarily as Arabs rather than as a distinct “Palestinian” national group—a modern identity that crystallized later.  That label, “Palestinian,” was used to create division, isolating the peaceful Arabs in the area from the militant. 

When Israel declared independence in 1948, neighboring Arab states—including Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Iraq—launched a war to prevent the establishment of a Jewish state. Israel prevailed. During the fighting, hundreds of thousands of Arabs fled or were displaced from what became Israel, becoming refugees in neighboring countries. These refugees and their descendants later became widely known as Palestinians.  Not all Arabs fled.  Many remained and lived in peace among their Jewish and Christian neighbors, seeing benefits to the development of the region by these new settlers.  As many as 2 million Israeli-Arabs live and vote in Israel today, enjoying living standards far greater than many of their Arab country neighbors. 

Unfortunately, the presence of refugees from Palestine created tensions in host countries. In Jordan and Lebanon, Palestinian groups—often influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood (founded in Egypt in 1928)—challenged local authorities. Jordan expelled PLO fighters after Black September in 1970, while Lebanon’s fragile sectarian balance was destabilized by armed Palestinian factions operating from southern refugee camps. This history made many Arab states wary of absorbing large numbers of Palestinians, viewing militant elements as potential sources of instability.  Palestinians became known more for their hatred towards Jews and causing conflict in Arab areas they occupied as refugees outside of Israel.  They contributed to regional skepticism for themselves.

Support for Palestinians is misguided, little understood, into believing they were a maligned minority.

The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) emerged in the 1960s as a militant group and eventually used Lebanon as a base for operations against Israel. Yasser Arafat, who had early ties to the Muslim Brotherhood during his time in Egypt, became its leader. The PLO’s activities contributed to Lebanon’s slide into civil war.  With the formation of Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) suicide bombing was first used in 1989, an attack on Bus 405 (July 6, 1989 near Kiryat Yearim), killing 16 people.  Hamas carried out an attack in 1993 at Mehola Junction killing 1 and wounding others. It became a campaign. From 1994-1999 Hamas and PIJ conducted multiple attacks, including the Afula bus bombing (April 1994, 8 killed) and others in Hadera, Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, etc. These aimed to derail the Oslo peace process. Then again  during the Second Intifada (2000-2005).   It is a common  misconception such an atrocious act was a pattern in the Islamic resistance historically.  Arafat’s Fatah faction facilitated such suicide mission attacks with funding and participation.

Along came the Ayatollah.  After Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution, the new Shia regime dramatically increased support for Palestinian militant groups as part of its broader anti-Israel and anti-Western ideology. Iran sought regional hegemony, using the Palestinian cause to position itself as a leader of the Muslim world despite deep Shia-Sunni theological and political differences with most Arab states. This support—primarily channeled to groups like Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad—often exacerbated tensions with Sunni Arab governments.  During Trumps first term (45th President) the Abraham Accords brought to the attention of the world tensions between the Shia and Sunni Muslims. Abraham Accords (UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, etc.) and quiet cooperation with Israel reflect prioritization of economics, tech, security, and countering Iran over Palestinian issues. Hamas became an Iranian-backed liability. Public opinion, for all the wrong reasons, remains pro-Palestinian, education as to the facts is lacking, while elites often see rejectionism as the bigger obstacle.

Today, these sectarian and ideological divides are clearer. The Muslim world contains a spectrum of views: the vast majority of Muslims live as moderates who seek to reconcile faith with modern life. However, fundamentalist interpretations—emphasizing a literal reading of early Islamic texts, including more militant passages in the Quran—remain influential. These hardline voices are often louder and more willing to use violence, not only against non-Muslims but sometimes against fellow Muslims they deem insufficiently devout. Iran’s leadership represents one such fundamentalist strain, framing its support for “resistance” as religious duty while pursuing strategic goals.

Arab states have increasingly recognized that Israel is not the aggressor in many of the region’s conflicts. Israel did not initiate the major Arab-Israeli wars, and the current war in Gaza followed Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack. Many Arab governments quietly prioritize stability, economic ties, and countering Iran over unconditional support for Palestinian maximalism.

Understanding Arab attitudes toward Palestinians is key. While public rhetoric often backs the Palestinian cause, many Arab societies view Palestinian political culture—particularly its rejectionist factions and history of internal strife—as distinct and sometimes incompatible with their own priorities. Without external backing from Iran or Islamist networks, and with more pragmatic Palestinian leadership, peaceful coexistence between Israel and the Arabs living within or alongside its borders could be more achievable. Millions of Arab citizens of Israel already live and work in relative peace. The core obstacles remain governance failures, incitement, and proxy warfare rather than the mere presence of Arabs and Jews in the region.

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Thomas W. Balderston, Author and Blogger